1 Foucault’s The History of Sexuality, Volume I

The Will to Knowledge

Key Ideas and Terms to Know:

Summary

In Foucault’s The Will to Knowledge, he explores how modern definitions of the homosexual and homosexuality came to be. He challenges the long-held belief that the modern era is characterized by “repression” of discussion surrounding sexuality, arguing instead that there has never been more conversation around sex. He analyzes various discourses that have focused on sexuality, including medical, legal, pedagogical, and more, and how they construct and interrogate their subject. He claims that these discourses in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries produced the concept of homosexuality. Through these discourses, institutions exert power over the pleasures of sexuality, attempting to make known, codify, and control them.

Main Point 1: Discourse

In Volume I of Foucault’s History of Sexuality (The Will to Knowledge), Foucault constructs a theoretical framework for an analysis of the history of sexuality based on the ideas of discourse, power, and pleasure. Foucault addresses the issue of power and pleasure extensively in his work, but he never directly defines discourse, despite its importance to his work. Rachel Adams usefully defines discourse in her summary and description of what Foucault’s understanding of discourse is:

“Foucault adopted the term ‘discourse’ to denote a historically contingent social system that produces knowledge and meaning. He notes that discourse is distinctly material in effect, producing what he calls ‘practices that systematically form the objects of which they speak’.”

This definition comes from Adams’ reading of Foucault’s “Archaeology of Knowledge and the Discourse on Language,” published prior to the History of Sexuality. Within the History of Sexuality, no definitive definition of discourse emerges, but it’s likely that Foucault is relying on the same definition he used in his previous work.

In the context of the history of sexuality and sex, Foucault notes that there is not one sole discourse, but a “multiplicity of discourses produced by a whole series of mechanisms operating in different institutions” (33). Different discursive fields, such as medical, legal, biological, ethical, and political discourses, developed in the eighteenth century that produced an “incitement to discourse” (34). Foucault uses this “discursive growth” evident in the proliferation of new, emergent fields talking about sex in the eighteenth century to disprove the “Repressive Hypothesis” (34). Foucault understands the Repressive Hypothesis as a widely held belief that the Enlightenment ushered in a massive wave of censorship surrounding the subject of sex (17). However, Foucault argues that, since the eighteenth century, there has never been more discourse around sex and sexuality (34). That discourse has largely been intended to interrogate, regulate, and suppress sexualities that were not the “norm” of heterosexual monogamy (38-39).

Main Point 2: Power and Pleasure

Pleasure acts as the counter-balance to power, its other half. For Foucault, discourse revolves around a constant attempt for power to domesticate and make known hidden pleasure, which in turn consistently strives to avoid and evade power (45). Power, in this context, may operate differently than how Foucault previously chose to define power. As a force of knowledge, control, and codification, power acts as a “mechanism of attraction; it drew out those peculiarities over which it kept watch. Pleasure spread to the power that harried it; power anchored the pleasure it uncovered.” (45) Foucault ironically notes that as power attempts to exercise control over pleasure, it produces its own sense of acute pleasure at the very act of that control. What arises from this, Foucault calls “perpetual spirals of power and pleasure” (45). Through this endless, tactful dance between pleasure and power, the two come to rely on one another:

“Pleasure and power do not cancel or turn back against one another; they seek out, overlap, and reinforce one another.” (48)

Main Point 3: The Homosexual/Homosexuality

Foucault revolutionized the field of the history of sexuality with his definition of the homosexual/homosexuality. In The Will to Knowledge, Foucault pointedly notes that a concrete definition of who a homosexual is and what homosexuality is only emerged beginning in the later eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. During this period, a proliferation of discourse surrounding the homosexual body began to move past a previous (Christian) focus on same-sex sexual activity as an act toward a ontological restructuring of individuals who experienced same-sex attraction:

“The nineteenth-century homosexual became a personage, a past, a case history, a childhood, in addition to being a type of life, a life form, and a morphology” (43).

This newly made “homosexual” was innately different, their very being infused with their sexuality. Discourses crafted and defined homosexuality too not based on the act of same-sex sex or attraction, but on the perverse, aberrant nature of the homosexual:

“Homosexuality appeared as one of the forms of sexuality when it was transposed from the practice of sodomy onto a kind of interior androgyny, a hermaphrodism of the soul. The sodomite had been a temporary aberration; the homosexual was now a species” (43).

In Foucault’s analysis, the invention of the homosexual as a category of humanity was unique to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Before this period, Foucault claims that no society (or at least none of the ones he discusses) had formalized definitions of the homosexual or homosexuality: instead, the practice of same-sex sex was treated as an act, and sexuality was not strictly delineated between straight and gay.

Main Point 4: Silence

Silence—while not a central theme in Foucault’s study—serves as a useful tool for understanding how discourses have historically operated and how modern individuals might understand the insidious nature of modern discourses better. To Foucault, silence is:

“the things one declines to say, or is forbidden to name, the discretion that is required between different speakers—[it] is less the absolute limit of discourse, the other side from which it is separated by a strict boundary, than an element that functions alongside the things said, with them and in relation to them within over-all strategies.” (27)

In this sense, silence surrounding particular subjects related to the history of sexuality serves only to reinforce existing discourses, either by normalizing those subjects or by ignoring them as a subject of interest. In his analysis of the role of heterosexuality in the creation of homosexuality and the normalization of heterosexual coupling and sex, Foucault rightly notes that silence helped to reinforce the legitimacy of heterosexuality. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, a “centrifugal movement” displaced heterosexual monogamy as the center of discourse:

“Of course, the array of practices and pleasures [related to heterosexual monogamy] continued to be referred to it [sic] as their internal standard; but it was spoken of less and less, or in any case with a growing moderation. Efforts to find out its secrets were abandoned; nothing further was demanded of it than to define itself from day to day. The legitimate couple, with its regular sexuality, had a right to more discretion. It tended to function as a norm, one that was stricter, perhaps, but quieter.” (38)

As discourse left behind heterosexual monogamy for a more intense scrutiny of homosexuality and other “perverse” sexualities or the sexualities of marginalized groups, heterosexuality became normative. Through silence, discourse reinforces the status quo.

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A History of Sexuality Toolkit Copyright © by Jody Valentine; Clementine Sparks Farnum; Corinne S; Ellen J; Jane L; Jonah; Kae T; Kevin Carlson; Lauren; Madison Hesse; Mikayla Stout; Sara Cawley; Sophie Varma; Tristen Leone; and Ximena Alba Barcenas. All Rights Reserved.

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