5 The Impact of the Perónista Feminist Party in Argentinian Machismo-Dominated Politics

The Impact of the Perónista Feminist Party in Argentinian Machismo-Dominated Politics

Introduction: The Rise of Perónism

Throughout this paper, I intend to analyze the political and social impact that Eva Perón had on the country of Argentina. I will examine the Peronista Feminist Party and the accomplishments it was able to achieve, while also describing why the party was dismantled only six years after it was created. In addition to observing Argentina’s women’s suffrage movement that was started by Eva Perón, I will explore how feminist movements throughout the country during the late 19th century differ from feminist movements within the United States. I will also examine how women were given the right to vote in Argentina, and the impact of citizen’s civic participation in that process. Finally, I will look at the importance of understanding one’s biases when conducting research, and how to examine evidence objectively without preconceptions. In doing so, I will analyze pre- and post-colonial concepts of gender in Argentina and the United States, and discuss gender as an increasingly polarizing topic.

The coloniality of gender was an idea first introduced by decolonial sociologist Maria Lugones in her 2008 essay The Coloniality of Gender. The idea of coloniality reflects “the theory that colonialism was not a closed historical event, but an ongoing process of social and political domination” that impacts every aspect of contemporary society (“Gender and Coloniality”). Coloniality reinforces social structures and stereotypes created by Europeans, and emphasizes the hegemony they produce, while overtly resisting the narratives of others. While Argentina as well as the Western World openly fell prey to the ‘coloniality of gender,’ the country’s inculcated patriarchy and open classist divides became even more evident during the elongated reign of Eva and Juan Perón.

Eva Perón, most notably known by the public as Evita, is one of the most influential people in Argentina’s history. She was the second wife of Juan Perón, the president of Argentina from 1946-1955 and again from 1973-74. During her husband’s time in office, she was well-received by the middle and lower classes due to her de facto’ position within the government as acting minister of health and labor (“The Case of Eva Perón”). In this role, Eva Perón succeeded in bringing significant wage increases to the masses in exchange for political backing. Outside of her husband’s career, she has been notably recognized as a primary founder of the women’s suffrage movement in Argentina. Eva also founded the Peronista Feminist Party, Argentina’s first all-women political party, that assembled from 1949 to 1955, when it was dismantled (“Female Peronist Party”).

In our current “post-colonial” world, the global north and south have different ideas about gender as well the role that it plays in the home, at work, and in broader society as well. While Western societies, such as the United States, perceive gender to be a binary, concrete system resistant to advice and originality, many indigenous communities have created non-binary gender systems inclusive of a variety of different gender orientations. The sources I will be referencing throughout this paper serve to support this framework and help analyze the idea of gender through varying perspectives.

 

Literature Review: The Coloniality of Gender, Knowledge, and Bias 

From reading The Coloniality of Gender by Maria Lugones, to Audre Lorde’s Black Thought and Culture, and Sarah Lucia Hoagland’s Aspects of the Coloniality of Knowledge, I began to understand the importance of comprehending one’s current biases before conducting research. For example, my biases include the fact that I am a well-educated Latina woman living in the United States, so my conceptions of gender and the country of Argentina will be inherently different from those of an Argentinian woman living in Argentina, although we all may view the world through a coloniality of gender lens. By acknowledging biases like these, I am better poised to identify surface-level issues, while also taking into account the root causes of these problems.

Hoagland begins her essay with the idea of what it means to be a scholar, and how biases impact and affect the research we can conduct throughout our time as academics. She writes, “it is because of how we are positioned in relation to marginalized others that we are able to be scholars.” This showcases the importance of recognizing the privilege we have, and how this sometimes invisible privilege affects how we view different frameworks (Hoagland 48). As society, specifically upper-class politicians and change-makers, begin to account for and discern such biases and structural inequalities that exist within and outside of communities, change is more likely to occur.

In discussing the impact that Eva Perón had on Argentina, Hoagland provides a relevant framework in which to approach my research. Hailing from an Argentinean family, I am directly associated with the group of people I am researching. Hoagland writes that “she may be a member of the marginalized group, affording her some epistemic privilege, but that’s no guarantee of competency” (Hoagland 49). To properly interpret the complex ideas surrounding Perónista feminism, I will consider this and approach my research by realizing my current biases: I believe that while Juan Perón was a dictator and that his wife helped him to exploit many low-income communities to gain votes, he didn’t win elections solely based on fraud. I also believe that Eva Perón was a feminist, despite her rejection of the term, and that she was seminal in creating the suffragist movement in Argentina decades ago. Hoagland’s framework is useful in encouraging researchers to let go of past conceptions that may influence or change research methodologies and outcomes to align with one’s inherent biases.

Audrey Lorde and Hoagland share similar ideologies regarding inherent biases in research and feminist theory more broadly. Lorde discusses how our “differences must not be merely tolerated, but seen as a fund of necessary polarities between which our creativity can park like a dialectic” (Lorde 1). This quote symbolizes the importance of differing opinions, societal statuses, and political ideologies, and how these distinctions are all necessary to inform a dialogue that is representative of differing voices and ideologies. Eva Perón’s continued support for women’s suffrage, which opposed her husband Juan’s machismo leadership, allowed for new ideas to be brought into the conversation. Eva was able to instigate new perspectives regarding why women’s suffrage should be granted. In addition to Eva’s new ideals creating marked change toward gender equity, her reformist perspectives and viewpoints allowed Argentine citizens to question their own current biases.

Finally, Maria Lugones’s idea of the coloniality of gender sparked my initial interest when considering theorists to highlight in this paper. It is through her decolonial sociologist viewpoints that I can recognize the impacts that colonialism had on the country of Argentina, and the biases that were created due to these institutionalized ideas. Colonialism not only impacted how Juan Perón led the country of Argentina, but also impacted the function of social structures such as power, knowledge, and gender. Lugones writes about how “coloniality permeates all aspects of social existence and gives rise to new social and geocultural identities” (Lugones 3). This quote reflects how colonialism affects how people come into and continue to retain power and also impacts our primary institutions and the ways in which we view the world. Therefore, recognizing inherent bias–largely rooted in colonialism–helps us to better understand how the public considered Eva because she was a woman. It is from these notions that I have worked to understand the different ways that colonialism impacts the ways we think, act, and feel, and share this knowledge with my peers.

 

Case: The Perónista Feminist Party

In the national election of 1947, women across Argentina were given the right to vote for the first time. Juan Perón, who was the current acting president at the time, attributed this accomplishment to his wife Eva Perón. With the two of them working together, Juan as president and Eva as de facto minister of health and labor, all achievements they completed were seen as “essential components of the Peronist political strategy” (Guy 153). The Peronist political strategy was Juan’s concept of rejecting all “ills of the politics of previous times,” and focusing on providing economic equality throughout the country (“Modern Latin America”). However, this example of equality was just a theory, for Juan was unable to provide equitable support for men and women. It was Eva’s doing, alongside other Argentinian feminist activists, who truly started conversations surrounding gender equality. They believed that equality for all was not achieved until women were granted the right to vote. Juan Perón knew that to win the next political election, he would need to “tap into this potential voters’ pool,” which in this case would be women who were fighting for suffrage (Guy 153). Juan “sensed the possibility of expanding the electorate in his favor by supporting female suffrage” (Guy 155), which leads to the question: did Juan Perón advocate for women’s suffrage because he believed that women should be given the right to vote? Or was this just another political ploy to gain voter support? I believe that if the idea of women’s suffrage hadn’t been so politically significant, Perón would not have been as willing to extend resources to support the movement. Meaning, if the topic of women’s suffrage didn’t have as much traction and national attention as it did at the time, I believe Juan Perón would not have been as invested in the idea to begin with. The Peronista Feminist Party was created by Eva to give women a safe and inclusive space to share their ideas and complaints regarding the political system in Argentina.

The Peronista Feminista Party (PFP), or Female Peronista Party in English, was created as an autonomous, all-female political organization. Although it was run by Eva Perón, she attempted, and ultimately succeeded, at running this party separately from her husband’s political agenda. The PFP was created when Eva recognized the lack of change after women’s suffrage was passed in the election of 1946. She decided, with the help of other female Argentine activists, to develop an organization devoted to creating gender equality within societal structures already put in place. The PFP made sure to connect women of differing neighborhoods with each other, allowing for different issues to be presented. Although the PFP was not directly linked to Juan Perón, many members of his Peronist party were also members of the PFP. The Peronista Feminist Party worked closely with and was partially created by different unidades básicas femeninas, or basic female units in English. These unidades basicas femeninas were free-to-join organizations created within local neighborhoods during the 1950 economic crisis to provide support for communities. These local organizations offered cooking classes using affordable ingredients, hosted political conversations and neighborhood-wide talks regarding the current economic state of the country, and shared tips and tricks on how to mend tattered clothing (“Female Peronist Party”).

Through the Peronista Feminist Party’s continued support and acknowledgment of the lack of women within the Argentinian government, it was able to ‘help’ fill over 100 governmental roles with women during the 1951 election. Although it seemed like the PFP was doing great work to support and advocate for women across the country, it was also true that most elected officials were essentially Juan Perón supporters, which I believe was the political strategy all along. With female Perónista members in office for the first time, they were able to reach a new demographic of the population. Therefore, it can be argued that while Eva’s efforts to amplify women’s voices and create a greater sense of female agency in politics were notable, the PFP could also be seen as another political tactic to garner support for the Peróns. Eva, having become a well-liked socialite within the Argentine political scene, was a natural leader.  After Eva passed in 1952, the PFP lost most credibility and was taken over by Juan Perón. This transition in leadership would ultimately ruin the integrity of the organization; for how could the ruling quasi-dictator of Argentina, a man, no less, lead the PFP with fidelity? Therefore, when Juan was overthrown from office via military intervention in 1955, all Peronista organizations, regardless of whether they belonged to Eva or Juan, were immediately dismantled (“The Case of Eva Perón”).

 

Analysis: Using the theory of the Coloniality of Gender to further understand Eva Perón

When analyzing the country of Argentina, it becomes clear that the Perónista regime has impacted all aspects of the political structure that is modern day Perónism. Although Eva Perón initially faced many disadvantages when entering Argentine politics due to her working class status, she was able to defy the elitists to emerge as a natural leader of the people.

The coloniality of gender is prevalent when discussing the impacts of Eva Perón’s successful political career due to the fact that above all, she was a woman. Eva was born into a middle class family who struggled financially for most of her life. When she was fifteen years old, she moved to Buenos Aires to “pursue an acting career” and would eventually begin working in radio shows (“The Case of Eva Perón”). Eva was able to position herself within the Argentinian government as a caretaker-like figure, fighting and positioning herself at the forefront of conversations surrounding women’s suffrage and economic equity. Eva has been quoted to say “I am a simple woman who lives to serve Perón and his people” (“23 quotes that show why Eva Perón was adored by the masses”). She was an actress, who was willing to say what needed to be said to keep herself and her husband in their high-level positions within the government. Eva was a smart woman, who was able to gain support and become a beloved public figure because she weaponized her status as a woman, meaning she garnered support from citizens by feeding into the colonial societal ideas of what it means to be a woman. As discussed in Javier Auyero’s book Poor People’s Politics, he writes how “the association between the practice of politics and the practice of mothering is openly displayed,” showcasing that women are stereotypically confined to traditional gender roles, where the nurturing qualities associated with mothering are expected in female politicians as well (Auyero 136). Eva leaned heavily into this ideal, and used her femininity, her ability to nurture, and her leadership skills to appeal to the general public in a different way than Juan Perón was able to do.

Secondly, Hoaglands essay Aspects of the Coloniality of Knowledge, she discusses the importance of recognizing the impact of ‘invisible privilege’, which can be a critical component used to evaluate a political party. While Eva was a middle class working woman, her privilege was created by marrying into one of the most influential families in the history of Argentina, therefore inheriting the name and the status the Peróns held within the government. Through Eva’s ability to position herself as a high-class member of society, while also independently appealing to a notable majority of women across Buenos Aires, she was seen as a symbol of feminism and equality for all. In another speech, Eva said “Where there is a worker, there lies a nation,” further positioning herself as the de facto leader of Argentina (“23 quotes that show why Eva Perón was adored by the masses”). While Eva was able to obtain higher societal privilege by marrying Juan Perón, she was still a woman, having to manage and account for the struggles she faced in many aspects of her life as a result of her identity. Ultimately, I believe that Eva did have good intentions in encouraging the passage of women’s suffrage and creating wage increases across the nation, but married an authoritarian leader in exchange for publicity and societal recognition.

Lastly, in Lorde’s essay, The Master’s Tools will never Dismantle the Master’s House, she discusses the importance of polarities when having progressive and productive conversations, which I believe to be true. Eva and Juan Perón had similar beliefs, as they were a part of the same campaign, but I do understand that Eva was a much more progressive, and possibly strategic, politician than her husband. Instead of positioning herself to appeal to the elites like Juan was able to do, she was known as the “bridge of love” between Perón and his people,” (Auyero 141) allowing her to have differing, more liberal views that would allow her to become “The Lady of Hope” for all of Argentina (Auyero 141). In this way, Eva used her most compelling asset, her gender and her promise of change and recognition for women long considered second class citizens, to find their voices and sense of agency in politics, and in Argentine life.

 

Conclusion: Thank you, Evita

Eva Perón was seen as a beacon of hope for the Argentine population. She positioned herself as a relatable voice of the minority classes, repeatedly saying how “I am just like any other woman in any other of the innumerable houses of my people” (Auyero 142). She was able to pass women’s suffrage and raise the minimum wage, all without an official title within the Argentine government. Her tireless efforts in promoting women’s rights, social justice, and democracy were revolutionary, and she remains a symbol of hope and inspiration for many people around the world, including myself.

Her achievements can also be seen in terms of gender-colonial linkages, which refers to the impact of colonialism on gender relations and the reproduction of inequality. Eva Perón’s struggle against gender inequality, and her legacy as a feminist icon highlight the ongoing challenges faced by women in societies shaped by colonial legacies. Her story serves as a reminder that gender equality cannot be achieved without addressing the deeper structural and historical forces that continue to perpetuate gender inequality.

Furthermore, I believe that while Eva was able to accomplish so much during her time in office, her position and legitimacy would have been questioned less if she were a man. Eva was able to pave the way for female politicians across the globe, and give a voice to women in ways that were never seen before. So while there are many disparaging depictions regarding the rationale and tactics Eva Perón used to promote her own leadership – she will, too, be remembered and celebrated for spearheading a movement that brought her country one step closer to gender equality.

 

Works Cited

Lorde, Audre. 2007 [1984]. “The Master’s Tools will never Dismantle the Master’s House” in Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches by Audre Lorde. Berkeley: Crossing Press

Hoagland, Sarah Lucia. 2020. “Aspects of the Coloniality of Knowledge” Critical Philosophy of Race, 8(1-2): 48-60

Lugones, María. 2008. “Coloniality of Gender” Worlds & Knowledges Otherwise, pp. 1-17 Spring 2008

Auyero, Javier. Poor People’s Politics: Peronist Survival Network and the Legacy of Evita. Duke University Press, 2002.

Chang, Chels. “Colonization of Gender: From Tradition to Modern Day.” Scot Scoop News, https://scotscoop.com/colonization-of-gender-from-tradition-to-modern-day/.

The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica. “Eva Perón.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., https://www.britannica.com/biography/Eva-Peron.

“Female Peronist Party.” Wikiwand, 29 July 1949, https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Female_Peronist_Party#References.

“Gender and Coloniality.” UCL Centre for Gender and Global Health, 2016, http://www.ighgc.org/projects/gender-and-coloniality#:~:text=Coloniality%20is%20the%20theory%20that,relation%20to%20the%20dominant%20model.

Horwell, David. “23 Quotes That Show Why Eva Perón Was Adored by the Masses.” Select Latin America, 22 Dec. 2021, https://www.selectlatinamerica.co.uk/argentina/23-quotes-show-eva-peron-adored-masses/.

Modern Latin America, https://library.brown.edu/create/modernlatinamerica/chapters/chapter-9-argentina/primary-documents-w-accompanying-discussion-questions/what-is-peronism-by-juan-domingo-peron-1948-the-twenty-truths-of-the-peronist-justicialism-juan-domingo-peron-1950/.

Navarro, Marysa. “The Case of Eva Perón.” Signs, vol. 3, no. 1, 1977, pp. 229–40. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3173094. Accessed 8 May 2023.

 

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GWS-183 Transnational Feminist Theories Copyright © by mayelisantos23; spresser; ehale; oivan; mcaf2018; smga2021; and mjdb2020. All Rights Reserved.

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