8 On Breaking the Chains: Hegemonic Masculinity and Abortion Dynamics in Latin America’s Feminist Uprising-Sinthya Guaman

“She miscarried, but instead of medical and social support, she was handcuffed to her hospital bed and interrogated by police“- The Guardian 2022

Introduction:

The story of Manuela, a woman who had been the mother of two children in El Salvador, is one of the many tragedies that can only be described as a human injustice due to the failure of government systems to recognize abortion as a right rather than a crime. Manuela had fallen ill while pregnant in 2008 and sought help from the hospital, where she would later miscarry. Rather than being given rest and aid, she was handcuffed to the hospital bed and interrogated by the police. Manuela was charged with 30 years in prison for aggravated homicide. After two years of being in prison, she died at the age of thirty-five due to cancer that had been left untreated in addition to pregnancy complications (The Guardian 2022). This heart-wrenching story of Manuela is emblematic of the systemic failures and human rights abuses faced by countless women in Latin America, where the denial of reproductive rights results in devastating consequences. Manuela’s case highlights the grave injustice and discrimination that can occur when governments criminalize abortion rather than recognizing it as a fundamental right.

In this paper, I will commence with a comprehensive overview of abortion, discussing pertinent statistics related to the subject including the following: estimated prevalence, maternal morbidity, incarceration rates connected to abortion, gender-based violence, and the legal standing of abortion across various Latin American countries. Following this, I will examine the impact of patriarchal systems and colonialism on the advancement of reproductive rights, drawing upon Lugones’ The Coloniality of Gender and highlighting the opposition posed by the Catholic Church and Evangelical churches to the legalization of abortion. I will employ Goodwin and Jasper’s definition of social movements and utilize Castells’ The Information Age: The Power of Identity to distinguish between various types of social movements, such as resistance identity vs. project identity social movements. I will then apply Alvarez’s “Maneuvering the U-Turn” to differentiate the factors that contribute to the success or stagnation of social movements. Finally, I conclude with how the overturn of Roe v. Wade in the U.S. can have a significant impact in Latin America.

The Case of Abortion in Latin America:

A. Statistics

El Salvador represents one of many Latin American nations that uphold a strict prohibition on abortion, even in instances of rape, incest, or life-endangering medical situations. Since the ban in 1998, over 180 women have been unjustly incarcerated on murder charges when in reality they had endured obstetric emergencies and miscarriages (The Guardian 2022). Unsafe abortions account for nearly 10% of maternal fatalities and significantly contribute to maternal morbidity rates (UNFPA 2017). Faced with a lack of appropriate services to protect their well-being and access to legal abortion alternatives, numerous women feel compelled to seek out unsafe and unlawful procedures. Denying access to safe and legal abortion directly violates a woman’s right to health, privacy, and bodily autonomy. Ensuring access to safe abortion for women and non-binary individuals is essential for their physical and mental well-being, as well as for exercising their reproductive rights. Annually, 3.7 million unsafe abortions happen in Latin America and the Caribbean, culminating in at least 4,000 fatalities among women (IBIS 2023). The region’s unintended pregnancy rate is 69 per 1,000 women between the ages of 15 and 49 (Guttmacher 2022). Addressing the abortion issue requires examining the wider context of gender inequality and gender-based violence, which encompasses femicide and rape. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Latin America experiences the highest rates of gender-based violence worldwide, with Brazil, Mexico, Argentina, Peru, El Salvador, and Bolivia comprising 81% of incidents (OCHA 2020). It is crucial to consider femicide and rape, as they function as tools to control women’s bodies and, in some instances, may result in pregnancies.

B. Why the Legal Status of Abortion Varies Throughout Latin America

Until 2020, about 97% of women in Latin America lived in a country that criminalized abortion or heavily restricted access to safe abortions (AS-COA 2022). This changed in 2020 when Argentina legalized abortion up to the first fourteen weeks of pregnancy as of December 2020 (Georgetown of International Affairs 2021), which demonstrates progress in achieving reproduction rights for women throughout Latin America. Before this groundbreaking decision, the Argentinian government criminalized abortion unless it involved rape or life-threatening circumstances for the individual. However, there have been setbacks in Argentina’s abortion legalization: “There are reports of obstacles to access legal abortion, including lack of access to information about the law, improper use of conscientious objection by healthcare professionals, and undue delays” (Human Rights Watch 2022). It is crucial to continue dismantling these barriers, which persist due to stigma and discrimination. Nonetheless, this historic event and landmark legislation have had substantial impacts on regional trends across Latin America. Mere days after Argentina’s legal shift, Chile initiated discussions and debates around legalizing abortion. Other nations, such as Colombia, followed suit, legalizing abortion up to 24 weeks of pregnancy. Prior to this, abortion in Colombia was heavily criminalized, with 5,500 investigations into alleged abortions and 250 individuals receiving criminal sentences (Council on Foreign Relations 2022). We can see the recent status of abortion within different countries of Latin America in the following figure.

Figure #1: Current Legal Status of Abortion within Latin America

However, as seen in Figure 1, in some Latin American countries like the Dominican Republic and El Salvador, abortion remains prohibited under all circumstances, even in cases of rape or when a woman’s health is in danger. Following a successful anti-abortion mass movement in the 1990s, El Salvador’s government began prosecuting women who violated abortion laws (Health and Human Rights Journal 2017). In the Dominican Republic, abortions are forbidden in all cases, including rape, incest, life-threatening situations, or unviability. Women can face imprisonment for up to 2 years, while medical professionals assisting in abortions risk 20-year sentences (Human Rights Watch 2021). Due to these restrictions, many women have been forced to resort to unsafe abortion methods. Nevertheless, there have been notable advancements in recent years, with countries such as Argentina, Mexico, Cuba, and Uruguay legalizing abortion.

By viewing Figure 1, it becomes evident how the legalization of abortion varies within Latin America. This speaks to how the issue of abortion within Latin America is complex and multi-layered, due to various reasons that include but are not limited to healthcare access, gender inequality, or public opinion. While progress has been made in some Latin American countries toward legalizing abortion, it is crucial to recognize the historical and systemic factors shaping reproductive rights in the region. One of the major contributors to keeping abortion illegal is the firm resistance from religious groups. The colonization of women’s bodies through patriarchal systems and ideologies has long been a prevailing force, subjugating women and non-binary individuals while restricting their access to reproductive healthcare. In the following section, I will be using The Coloniality of Gender by Lugones to demonstrate how the patriarchal systems have influenced the lack of reproduction rights for women in Latin America.

The Colonization of Women’s Bodies:

A. The Roots of Hegemonic Masculinity

In examining abortion in Latin America, we must understand how the structure of masculinity in Latin America exerts influence and control over women’s bodies and their ability to access reproductive rights. The Coloniality of Gender by Lugones is a crucial resource for understanding the lack of abortion rights within Latin America, as it explores the intersection of colonialism and imperialism and their impact on gendered power relations. Issues related to women’s autonomy persist as contentious and debated subjects, rooted in the patriarchal systems and ideologies that have historically dominated and subjugated women and non-binary individuals. One tactic perpetuating male dominance in society is the regulation of women’s reproductive rights, encompassing a woman’s ability to access abortion. The ongoing denial and criminalization of abortions allow patriarchal systems to maintain control over women’s bodies, undermining their autonomy and stripping away their agency. Lugones’ work provides insight into how historical colonial processes have shaped the social, political, and cultural landscape of Latin America, resulting in the perpetuation of patriarchal systems that restrict women’s reproductive rights. In the context of Latin America, the colonial legacy has left a lasting impact on gender norms, power structures, and societal expectations with the Western patriarchal systems seeking control over “the four basic areas of human existence: sex, labor, collective authority, and subjectivity/intersubjectivity, their resources, and producers” (Lugones 2008). Colonialism and imperialism have enforced hierarchical structures and Eurocentric ideals, often resulting in the suppression and elimination of indigenous beliefs and practices surrounding gender and reproduction.

Lugones’ work also highlights how the imposition of European gender norms during colonization created a binary understanding of gender roles, further reinforcing patriarchal systems that continue to dominate Latin American societies. For instance, due to Western ideals being transferred to these colonized lands, hegemonic ideas about women were instilled: “The very process by which females were categorized and reduced to ‘women’ made them ineligible for leadership roles…The emergence of women as an identifiable category, defined by their anatomy and subordinated to men in all situations, resulted in part, from the imposition of a patriarchal colonial state” (Lugones 2008). This has led to the marginalization and subjugation of women and non-binary individuals, affecting their access to reproductive healthcare, including abortion rights. This binary understanding of gender contributes to the stigmatization of abortion and the erosion of reproductive rights for women and non-binary individuals. Understanding the historical context provided by The Coloniality of Gender is essential for analyzing the current lack of abortion rights in Latin America, as it sheds light on the deeply ingrained cultural, social, and political factors that contribute to the ongoing struggle for reproductive rights. The colonization of women’s bodies can also be traced back to the Catholic religion imposed on the indigenous people of Latin America. Conservative Catholic organizations have been instrumental in reinforcing gender stereotypes and imposing gender restrictions (Morello 2021). This religious influence has become a significant obstacle for the feminist movement advocating for abortion rights in Latin America.

B. The Adversary: The Catholic Church and Evangelical Churches

Religion plays a pivotal role in shaping public opinion and influencing political decisions leading to legislation, particularly in Latin America, where many individuals in power maintain strong Catholic convictions. Historical data reveals that between the 1900s and the 1960s, at least 90% of the Latin American population identified as Catholic, with 84% of Latin American adults reporting they were raised in the faith (Pew Research Center 2014). The Catholic Church wields significant influence over restrictive abortion laws and contributes to the social stigma surrounding the issue in numerous Latin American countries. In some cases, the Catholic Church has joined forces with evangelical churches to initiate campaigns against abortion legalization: “The church has been campaigning against further legislative liberalization of abortion laws as evangelical Protestant groups and right-wing movements join the debate on the contentious issue” (Lima 2020). These conservative religious groups often utilize religious language and symbols to reinforce traditional gender roles that challenge gender equality. Consequently, this further complicates women’s access to reproductive rights, employment opportunities, and other legal avenues for achieving equity. To combat these patriarchal systems, women have mobilized to create social movements that challenge the patterns of hegemonic masculinity dominating women’s bodies.

Literature Review:

A. Social Movements in the Context of Abortion

Jeff Goodwin and James Jasper (2015) define a social movement as “conscious, concerted, and sustained efforts by ordinary people to change some aspect of their society by using extra-institutional means”. Social movements empower people to reshape their society and promote social change. Goodwin and Jasper outline a variety of reasons and actions that arise from social movements: some aim to claim new rights, while others are designed to combat violence or threats. People engaged in these movements can “choose between violent and nonviolent activities, illegal and legal ones, disruption and persuasion, extremism and moderation, reform and revolution” (Goodwin and Jasper 2015). We can see the rise and impact of social movements within Latin America where within the “Green Wave,” women and their allies unite under the common goal of legalizing abortion to ensure women have autonomy over a life-altering decision. This social movement brings together ordinary women from across Latin America who have experienced firsthand the effects of gender inequality, particularly in the realm of reproductive rights. The concept of a “collective identity” that Goodwin and Jasper refer to is exemplified by activists who have mobilized women around a cause that resonates with their personal interests. United, these women have pushed those in power to listen and acknowledge their demands and the issues they are fighting for. Social movements harness the anger and frustration that women have felt over decades of lacking abortion rights to create progress. While these abortion movements may not employ violent or illegal tactics, they disrupt the ingrained social structure within society that has allowed men to exert control over women and their bodies.

B. Analyzing the Adversary and Feminists Uprising

In The Information Age: The Power of Identity, Castells distinguishes different social movements based on their goals and historical contexts and recognizes how adversaries have confronted socially progressive movements. He categorizes social movements into legitimizing identity, resistance identity, and project identity. Resistance identity movements, which are usually referred to as conservative social movements, comprise individuals or groups within the dominant culture or society reacting to perceived threats to society’s norms, values, and institutions (Castells 2004). Resistance identity is reactionary, as exemplified by pro-life movements opposing progressive efforts to achieve reproductive rights for women. We can see this within the beliefs they use to uphold – for example, “Catholics, in general, have adopted a stern condemnation of abortion over the past 40 years” (Lima 2020).  This resistance identity is expressed through the Catholic community’s firm stance against abortion which showcases their commitment to preserving traditional norms and values that they perceive as being under threat from progressive movements. This reaction against change and the desire to maintain the status quo is a defining characteristic of resistance identity, as it highlights the group’s resistance to societal transformations that challenge their established beliefs and values. This resistance identity can sometimes result in extremist behaviors and increased social divisions, particularly when it is grounded in extreme traditional views that confine women to domestic roles and prioritize bodily independence and agency to men.

To put this into perspective, in the “Letter to the Bishops of the Catholic Church on the Collaboration of Men and Women in the Church and the World,” the Vatican stated that “man, by his temperament, is better equipped to handle foreign affairs and public affairs,” and “the woman possesses a greater understanding of the delicate problems of domestic and family life and a more confident touch to resolve them, which, of course, does not mean to deny that some women can demonstrate exceptional capacity in any sphere of public life” (Biroli 2020). Written in 2004 as a response to social movements advocating for gender equality, the Catholic Church attempted to utilize its institutional power to enforce gender norms within Latin America that permit men to hold positions of power while confining women to domestic roles, often regarded as inferior, such as caregiving. By employing language like “delicate” and “confident touch” when discussing women and their traditional roles in society, the Catholic Church further reinforces the notion that women rely on emotions rather than intellectual reasoning, and thus should not be considered capable of wielding power. This serves to solidify the traditional family values that have historically taken precedence over the empowerment of women. As a result, the Church’s stance perpetuates gender inequality and stifles progress toward a more equitable society. This is one way in which the Catholic Church has played a significant role in shaping public opinion and opposing the expansion or legalization of reproductive rights.

On the other hand, there are social movements that embody project identities. Project identity emerges when individuals or groups create a new identity based on a shared vision or goal that aims to transform society or culture in a positive way. These movements focus on fostering positive social change by redefining social norms and values, and they are forward-looking and inclusive. The fight for abortion rights in Latin America can be seen as an example of project identity within Manuel Castells’ theoretical framework. The movement for abortion rights is built on a shared vision of advancing gender equality, reproductive rights, and women’s autonomy over their own bodies. The movement seeks to change social norms and legal frameworks that restrict access to safe and legal abortion services, challenging traditional patriarchal structures and values. By advocating for women’s autonomy and reproductive rights, the fight for abortion rights aims to redefine and reshape societal norms and values regarding gender roles, family planning, and women’s place in society. Uniting diverse individuals and groups around a shared vision of transforming societal norms and legal frameworks, this movement works to advance gender equality and women’s reproductive rights, ultimately creating positive social change in the region.

A prime example of a project identity movement is the “Marea Verde” or “Green Wave” movement, which originated in Argentina and garnered nationwide support. This movement represents the most recent stage in the fight for abortion rights for women in Latin America. Over the years, “Green Wave” demonstrations have expanded to other countries such as Mexico and Chile, where activists don green bandanas to express solidarity. The bandana concept traces back to the late 1970s, when mothers protesting the disappearance of their children during Argentina’s Dirty War wore white scarves made from children’s diaper cloth in front of the presidential palace in Buenos Aires (The Washington Post 2022). Activists Marta Alanis and Susana Chiariotti chose the color green for bandanas while preparing for a national women’s gathering in 2003. The green color symbolizes life, growth, and nature. Alanis aimed to underscore the life that women deserved, asserting that “the term ‘life’ should return to us” (Washington Post 2022). Alanis and Chiarotti distributed 3,000 green bandanas for women to wear at the National Gathering of Women in 2003, advocating for abortion rights in Argentina. Since then, these green bandanas have been donned by women’s movements in Argentina, the rest of Latin America, and globally, including the United States and Poland (The New York Times 2021). By aiming to reshape societal norms and values around women’s autonomy and reproductive healthcare, this project-identity movement works to create positive change in society. The Green Wave abortion movement is forward-looking and inclusive, as it strives to break down barriers, destigmatize abortion, and ensure that all people, regardless of their background, have access to reproductive healthcare. Through collective efforts, the movement seeks to create a more just and equitable society that respects and upholds reproductive rights. The story is similar in other Latin American countries such as Uruguay and Mexico, where consistent activism for abortion rights has led to partial progress in some countries. However, other countries in the region face challenges in achieving policy changes recognizing abortion rights despite the activism (Human Rights Watch 2021).

C. Navigating Success and Stagnation within Legalizing Abortion

To understand the factors that make a social movement successful or stagnant, we can refer to “Maneuvering the U-Turn” by Alvarez. This analysis helps to identify the obstacles and the strategies that contribute to the growth and impact of social movements, shedding light on why there are such varying outcomes of the legalization of abortion within different countries of Latin America. In “Maneuvering the U-Turn,” Sonia Alvarez discusses the conservative backlash that continues to challenge left-wing progress on various social issues. Alvarez reflects on the Pink Tide, which appeared to signal a shift to left-leaning governments within Latin America; however, she argues that “the overall policy and political results of nearly two decades of Left and Center-Left rule are shown to be, at best, mixed, and at worst, disturbingly regressive” (Alvarez 2018: 308). These opposing conservative forces perceive progressive movements as a threat to the dominant status quo and established values, which explains their opposition to movements advocating for abortion rights, LGBTQ rights, gender equality, and more. Despite the wave of left-leaning governments during the Pink Tide era, these opposing forces have managed to obstruct progress on various social issues, including abortion rights using different methods that influence the legislation.

Alvarez identifies various strategies that can determine the success or failure of a social movement, such as alliance and coalition building across different sectors in the state and civil society, as well as activists’ relationships with the state. To overcome obstacles posed by adversaries, sustained collaboration and alliance-building among diverse actors and social movements are crucial in fostering an environment that supports the rights of all individuals, including reproductive rights and LGBTQ+ rights. In many Latin American countries, activists advocating for women’s rights, LGBTQ+ rights, and reproductive rights have found it necessary to form strategic alliances with a range of actors, such as political parties, labor unions, health professionals, and human rights organizations. By building these coalitions and engaging with various sectors, these movements can increase their influence and gain the support needed to advance their goals.

Political parties play a critical role in enacting policy changes. When social movements align with them, they create a powerful force for change. For example, in Uruguay, laws legalizing marijuana consumption, transgender rights, and most relevant to this research, abortion on request, have been enacted (Folter 2019). However, achieving this significant progress took decades of work involving diverse forms of activism, policy reforms, and alliance-building. A key contributor and ally to the feminist movement is Frente Amplio, a leftist political coalition founded in 1971 in Uruguay, which significantly impacted and contributed to the decriminalization of abortion in 2012 (Wood 2016). Frente Amplio and the feminist movement in Uruguay have historically collaborated on various projects to advocate for abortion rights. Together, they have raised public awareness about the negative consequences of restrictive abortion laws, such as unsafe abortions and maternal mortality.

Alliance building can take many forms, including partnerships with educational or medical institutions. Feminist organizations in Uruguay have also worked with trade unions that heavily influence the Front and broader Uruguayan political culture. For instance, in 2001, the Central Workers Union adopted a resolution in favor of legal abortion at their national congress (Wood 2018). Additionally, in 2008, the most prestigious university in Uruguay began producing and disseminating information on abortion and declared its institutional support for legal abortion (Folter 2019). Feminist advocacy group “Iniciativas Sanitarias” also partnered with Montevideo hospitals to develop a project where doctors became informed about the steps they should follow to aid patients who had previously received an abortion or were proceeding with one (Folter 2019). This work, created through coalition building, helped break down the stigma against abortion by providing knowledge about the procedure to the public and emphasizing the importance of fostering relationships between social movements, civil society, and political parties in driving progress. Progress on abortion rights in the region often depends on networking and collaboration between different agents and social movements.

Alvarez emphasizes that the success of the abortion movement in Latin America largely depends on the nature of its relationship with the state and the political context within each country. While having more women in political positions can be a positive indicator of women’s rights, there may be a lack of correlation between the level of political representation of women and the progress made in reproductive rights. As Alvarez points out, this is because women’s political representation alone does not guarantee the prioritization of women’s rights or feminist agendas; female politicians may still be influenced by conservative, religious, or patriarchal ideologies. A notable example of this dynamic can be seen in Chile’s history. Despite having had a female president, Michelle Bachelet, who served two non-consecutive terms from 2006 to 2018, the country struggled with restrictive abortion laws for a long time. However, in 2015, Bachelet took the initiative to introduce a draft bill that permitted abortion under life-threatening conditions, rape, or when the fetus would not survive (Esposito 2015). It was not until 2017, during Bachelet’s second term, that Chile legalized abortion under limited circumstances: when the pregnancy poses a risk to the mother’s life, in cases of rape, or when the fetus has severe abnormalities. The progress on this issue was achieved through persistent advocacy by women’s rights and reproductive rights activists, who built coalitions with other civil society actors and sought support from progressive politicians. In this case, the relationship between the state and the abortion movement was crucial in securing the much-needed reforms. Therefore, the success of the abortion movement in Latin America depends not only on the representation of women in politics but also on the nature of their relationship with the state, the political context, and the alliances forged with different actors and social movements.

Conclusion:

In conclusion, this paper provided a thorough analysis of the multifaceted aspects of abortion, incorporating key statistics and legal perspectives from Latin American countries. The influence of patriarchal systems and colonialism on reproductive rights was examined, with a particular focus on the opposition posed by the Catholic Church and Evangelical churches. By utilizing various theoretical frameworks, the paper identified and differentiated social movements within the abortion debate. Ultimately, the application of Alvarez’s “Maneuvering the U-Turn” shed light on the factors that determine the success or stagnation of these movements, contributing to a deeper understanding of the complex dynamics surrounding abortion and reproductive rights.

Abortion is an inevitable aspect of human society, as women will always seek to exercise control over their reproductive choices, regardless of legal restrictions. It is crucial for the tragic story of Manuela from El Salvador to be heard and acknowledged, but never repeated. However, the recent overturning of Roe v. Wade in the United States can have significant ramifications for Latin American countries in their struggle for reproductive rights, as it may embolden conservative factions and hinder progress. However, Latin America’s resilient social movements, such as the Green Wave, can serve as a source of inspiration and learning for the United States. These movements demonstrate the power of grassroots activism and the importance of uniting diverse groups in the pursuit of reproductive rights and gender equality. As the struggle for reproductive rights continues globally, lessons from Latin America’s project identity movements can help inform and shape strategies in the United States and beyond, ultimately contributing to the ongoing fight for women’s autonomy and equality.

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