7 Women’s Impact in a Post-Genocide Rwanda: Efforts Towards Reconciliation and Progress

In 1994 Rwanda, longstanding tensions were tipped over the edge, leading to a horrific and violent genocide known as the Rwandan genocide, or the genocide against the Tutsi. Over approximately 100 days, an estimated 800,000 people were killed, and countless others were displaced or subjected to unspeakable atrocities. Colonial power and involvement created the violence and divide that led to the devastating 1994 genocide where women and girls bore the brunt of the violence; enduring rape, sexual assault, and mutilation as weapons of war. These crimes impacted generations of women, suffering immense loss and trauma. But what happened after? The Rwandan genocide provided context for countless women’s rights movements in Rwanda. Women emerged as resilient agents of change in its aftermath. In the wake of the genocide, Rwanda faced the daunting task of rebuilding a shattered society and fostering reconciliation among its fractured communities. Women played a central role in this process, contributing to efforts in reconciliation, peacebuilding, and socioeconomic development. Recognizing the crucial role of women in post-genocide reconstruction, the Rwandan government implemented various policies and initiatives aimed at promoting gender equality and women’s empowerment. These efforts included constitutional reforms, quotas for women in political representation, and programs to enhance women’s access to education, healthcare, and economic opportunities. Women’s organizations and grassroots initiatives proliferated, advocating for gender equality, women’s rights, and justice for survivors of gender-based violence. These movements sought to challenge patriarchal norms, address the root causes of gender-based violence, and amplify the voices of women in decision-making processes at all levels of society. Today, while still faced with issues, Rwanda is one of the leading places for women in politics. The 1994 Rwandan Genocide inflicted immeasurable suffering and devastation, but it also sparked a profound transformation in gender relations and women’s empowerment in Rwanda. The rebuilding of the country would not have been possible without the women of Rwanda, and this case offers a convincing example of the profound impact women’s movements have on the betterment and progress of countries as a whole.

To understand the events following the genocide, one must first understand the contexts leading to the genocide and the gender dynamics already at play. The country descended into a genocide as long-standing ethnic tensions between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority erupted into widespread violence. Following the assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana, Hutu factions seized control and orchestrated a campaign of systematic extermination targeting Tutsis and moderate Hutus. The actions that occurred over the course of the 100 days can all be led back to the colonial powers at play, specifically the Belgian rule and French influence at work throughout Rwanda’s history. In 1932, Belgium introduced identity cards in Rwanda which made it so you must specify as only 1. Tutsi or 2. Hutu, and nothing in between. These identity cards provided the stepping stones for the great divide and hate between the Rwandan people and created a strict racial divide. The Belgians used their influence to amplify the Tutsi as “elite”, and maintain positions of power for them. During the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, Tutsi women were deliberately targeted and dehumanized by extremist media and leaders as part of a deliberate tactic to mobilize Hutu men and women. They were portrayed as hyper-sexual agents of the Tutsi cause, with publications, radio programming, and cartoons appealing specifically to Hutu women and empowering them to participate in the genocide. Tutsi women were portrayed as sexually deviant and inhuman, inciting fear and portraying them as a threat to Hutu women. This deliberate tactic aimed to widen the fissures in Rwanda’s restrictive patriarchal structure and incite violence against Tutsi women. Despite the targeted violence against them, some Tutsi women were forced to take action in instances of limited options, while others were targeted for genocidal rape and mass murder. The role of Tutsi women in the genocide was complex, as they were both victims and targets of violence, but also exercised agency in various ways during this tragic period in Rwandan history. The actions that occurred are reminiscent of Anibal Quijano’s ideas of the “coloniality of knowledge”. The colonial influence in Rwanda majorly impacted the perspectives and ways of knowing in Rwanda. Because of coloniality, racist rhetoric was spread in order to further the cause, the media was targeted, and the knowledge of what was occurring was directly impacted by the colonial forces at play.

In addition to the political and social contexts leading to Rwanda in 1994, there are also gender dynamics and gender-based roles to consider pre-genocide. Before 1994, women in Rwanda faced significant marginalization and were relegated to the private sphere, particularly under Belgian colonial rule from 1922 to 1961. During this time, Rwandan women were neither considered subjects nor citizens of the colonial state, and their power was undermined. The colonial rule further restricted women’s power and influence, leading to their marginalization throughout the “Early Independence Period” and lasting through two dictatorships. In 1992, The Family Code, a legislature that legally recognized men as the heads of Rwandan households, prohibited women from inheriting property and opening a bank account without the written consent of the male head of the household. This deeply entrenched patriarchal system left women with limited agency and power, as they were expected to obey men and were often marginalized within their homes. The pre-genocide context in Rwanda reflected a society where women were “hard-pressed” to find a space to exercise agency, as they were expected to obey men and were often subjected to obedience and subordination. This context was further exacerbated by colonial rule, which undermined the limited avenues of power for women. Women faced significant challenges in challenging their husbands’ decisions and finding a space to exercise agency. This context laid the foundation for the marginalization of women in Rwanda before the 1994 genocide. In 1994, women in Rwanda only represented 5% of the executive branch, a great difference from what we see today. Although Rwanda had a female Prime Minister, Madame Agathe Uwilingiyimana, she was sidelined, dismissed, and excluded from decision-making processes. Uwilingiyimana was one of the first political leaders targeted by the extremists who implemented the genocide in Rwanda and was assassinated on 7 April 1994. Other than the Prime Minister, two other women were present in the government’s upper echelons. This system is highly different from the Rwanda (politically and socially) we see today and the 1994 genocide forever changed the dynamics, systems, and reality of Rwanda.

After the Rwandan Genocide, there was a significant shift in gender norms, women’s leadership, and empowerment in Rwanda. The government and international organizations played a crucial role in reshaping gender norms and promoting women’s inclusion in decision-making processes. One of the key changes was the political incorporation of women, with grassroots women’s committees being established at every level of government. These committees allowed women to voice their perspectives on government policy and practice, leading to increased advocacy efforts and legislative victories. Additionally, the government implemented policies to ensure gender equality and equity, including the constitution formalizing the inclusion of women in decision-making capacities and laws supporting education for all and eradicating discrimination. Women also played a pivotal role in the reconstruction and rehabilitation of Rwanda after the genocide. They formed local councils, headed judicial proceedings, and actively participated in national rebuilding efforts. This active involvement of women at the grassroots level created a basis for the level of peace and reconciliation experienced in the country today. The political transition in Rwanda under the Rwandan Patriotic Front created a space for civic participation, including a substantial role for women. The government implemented the Beijing Platform for Action and established institutional mechanisms to defend, protect, and promote women’s rights. This comprehensive approach to gender equality and women’s empowerment led to measurable progress, with women actively participating in political, social, economic, and cultural domains of life. Rwanda’s post-genocide gender mainstreaming efforts have resulted in impressive progress, with a higher ratio of women in parliament than any other African country since 2003. This has been attributed to the significant changes in gender roles during and immediately after the genocide, as well as the vital role Rwandan women played in the physical and social reconstruction of the country. Influential women, international donor organizations, and the post-genocide political transition have all contributed to reshaping gender norms in Rwanda. In addition, Rwanda’s military and public spaces have seen a trend of increased gender equality since the end of the genocide.

One of the most remarkable ways in which women’s involvement is astounding in Rwanda is the efforts around reconciliation and forgiveness. AMI (Association Modeste et Innocent) is a program within Rwanda that brings together former genocide perpetrators and their victims. The program was founded in 2000, and alongside promoting reconciliation it also fosters trauma healing workshops and programs around peace and justice. In a photo series by “The New York Times Magazine”, the victims and the perpetrators were shot alongside each other, with an attached interview on their relationships. The series displays primarily women who were victims of male perpetrators. In the AMI program, “small groups of Hutus and Tutsis are counseled over many months, culminating in the perpetrator’s formal request for forgiveness. If forgiveness is granted by the survivor, the perpetrator and his family and friends typically bring a basket of offerings, usually food and sorghum or banana beer. The accord is sealed with song and dance.” The photo series was commissioned and orchestrated by Creative Court, a Rwandan-based art collective. In the photo series and interviews, the incredibly strong demeanor and manner of Rwandan women are portrayed. In one, a woman stands next to a man who killed her son. After the journey towards reconciliation and forgiveness, she now thinks of him more as “like my own child”.

François Ntambara (perpetrator, left) Epiphanie Mukamusoni (survivor)

Another woman, when asked, commented “The reason I granted pardon is because I realized that I would never get back the beloved ones I had lost. I could not live a lonely life — I wondered, if I was ill, who was going to stay by my bedside, and if I was in trouble and cried for help, who was going to rescue me? I preferred to grant pardon.”

Juvenal Nzabamwita (perpetrator, right) Cansilde Kampundu (survivor)

The groundwork and community organizing of the everyday person in Rwanda is essential to its rebuild. The work of forgiveness by these women is truly what has made Rwanda so able to recover from such an atrocity. With the strength of these women, the words of Audre Lorde are reminiscent, and her striking piece The Master’s Tools. Government structures and systems of oppression are not, in this case, what led to progress and reconciliation. These communities worked outside of The Master’s Tools, using tactics of community, forgiveness, song, dance, workshopping, and more in order to rebuild what had been lost. The profound impact of forgiveness and the actions of the victims themselves is a striking example of how working around systems of oppression can be effective.

While AMI’s programming is a heart-wrenching example, it is also important to note the impact of grassroots organizations involved in politics and legislation. While perhaps using the “master’s tools”, these organizations have created great change. A women’s nonpartisan group formed in 1996, The National Women’s Network, grew to influence Rwanda’s constitution. They deliberately placed themselves at the drafting table, leading to the 2003 Constitution’s commitment to equal rights and gender equality. Using the strategy of “complementarity”, women leaders aimed to promote gender equality while still addressing concerns and working with male counterparts. The political and structural changes in Rwanda would not have been possible without the leaders who emerged and the organizations that erupted. Additionally, NGOs increased in number and diversity, participating in justice matters, refugee resettlement, and reconciliation.  In Rwanda, women have increasingly taken on active public roles in political parties and NGOs following the genocide. The number of women-led NGOs rose significantly post-genocide, and many organizations, such as AVEGA, ASOFERWA, and AFCF, emerged to address post-genocide challenges faced by women. These organizations focused on women’s experiences and provided support in areas such as counseling and psychosocial assistance. PF/TH, a women’s NGO umbrella organization, was founded in 1992 and has since accomplished 2920 programs aiming to improve the livelihoods of Rwanda’s women and girls. They target both rural and urban women, working to create a culture of peace through training and programs that address social issues faced by women. Challenges include combating patriarchal norms and addressing social issues resulting from women’s experiences during the genocide. Rwandan women’s organizations, like PF/TH, play a crucial role in promoting a culture of peace and peacebuilding. One successful program includes training women as mediators in courts, giving them a role in resolving community conflicts and everyday crimes. This has led to the erosion of traditional taboos against women speaking in public and has empowered women in Rwandan society. In addition, they played a leading role in supporting women who gave testimonies of rape in the Gacaca courts and lobbying the ICTR to prosecute gender-based crimes during the genocide. It is important to note that while having done so much good, the management and control of NGOs in Rwanda has been heavily influenced by government legislation passed in 2001, causing the country to become increasingly authoritarian. This has been particularly challenging for those organizations focused on human rights and gender issues, such as PF/TH, which has had to adopt a pragmatic approach in order to navigate the political landscape. Additionally, organizations face challenges in terms of its reliance on external donors. This again relates to Lorde’s work. Unfortunately, working within the system will always have its limitations. On behalf of women’s movements, Rwanda may be thriving, but it is harmful that such organizations cannot exist without the money and power of Western countries, furthering the colonial impact and coloniality of knowledge throughout Rwanda.

PF/TH pictured above

In the end, Rwanda is a remarkable example of the impact women have in rebuilding a country after violence. The actions of the 1994 genocide created the context for the women of Rwanda to rise up and challenge the violence and crimes they had endured. Women worked beyond the system to foster reconciliation and community within their areas. The AMI project towards reconciliation is a striking and moving example of this, showing how victims made it possible for Rwanda to move forward and rebuild. Outside of this, the efforts and progress made by the Rwandan government are remarkable and have completely changed the shape of the country. A country that perpetrated violent crimes against its own women now stands as a leading place for women in politics. The grassroots organizations and NGOs, while flawed, have allowed for a system that other places must look up to and learn from. The events of the Rwandan genocide were devastating, but the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide is proof of the need and impact of women in rebuilding a country and moving towards progress. Whether working inside or outside of The Master’s Tools, they have challenged the systems of coloniality and gendered coloniality throughout the country. Rwanda would be an utterly different place without the efforts and actions of its women. Rwanda stands as a prime example of the impact of women’s movements and strength.

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Petra Romero is a student at Pitzer college who grew up in New York city! She is a Media Studies major who is passionate about gender equality, film, music, and more!