7 “A Man, a House, and [a] Normal Fucking Life”: An Analysis of Gender Clinics and the Academic Discourse Surrounding Medicalized Transsexuality
Introduction
The image of the gender clinic has the power to evoke many emotions inside the mind of a transgender person. A transsexual who yearns for chemical and surgical salvation from her biological destiny may feel immense joy. For her, it is the only place that holds the technology needed to free the woman inside of her. A trans person who puts less value on the medical transition may see the clinic as a regressive sanitarium constructed by cisgender doctors and upheld by binary trans folks who view their own transness as a disorder. Perhaps it is a place of overwhelming anxiety – an anxiety born out of the thought of being withheld care or shamed for the very existence of transness. It is these very emotions that make the gender clinic, both the clinic of the 20th century and our modern one, a fascinating place to study. It is a site that, at its core, is meant to treat gender difference by further disrupting the norm. It is a place that could be confused for the holy land of transgender identity and thus be conflated with the entirety of the transgender community. With this being said, the clinic has undeniably shaped our modern conceptions of transness and created controversial conversations surrounding the bodies of trans folks and the trans identity more generally.
This paper is concerned with the history of the gender clinic and the conversations that have been born out of the pathologization and medicalization of trans bodies. I will examine the roots of trans clinics and the early trans people who existed in these spaces and benefited from them. How have these early years of the gender clinic influenced the trajectory of transgender politics and feminism? What theories have been born from these conversations and, of course, the clinics themselves? I will look at modern ideas of medical transition and seek to understand how our modern medicalization of trans identities is rooted in early clinical thought. I hope to create a thread of knowledge from the first medicalized transsexuals to the theories of transness that exist in academia today. Along the way, I will look at how attitudes towards trans bodies and the clinic have shifted and reified.
Theoretical Framework
The medicalization of transness and the existence of “transsexual” as an identifier have become difficult topics of conversation in the trans community. The evolution of trans identities has expanded in beautiful ways beyond transsexuality. In their keyword essay “Trans,” Jacob Lau writes, “Trans became attached to gender in the 1990s, producing the term transgender, popularized by transgender and communist activist Leslie Feinberg.”[1] with the expansion of transsexual into transgender, space was been made for those who exist between the binary. And while we know that non-binary people have existed forever in indigenous cultures,[2] Western society became much more open to genders beyond the binaryToday, hormones and surgery, while still unnecessarily withheld and outrageously expensive, are much more accessible than they have ever been. And while the expansion of “trans” is certainly necessary, it has rendered some trans identities less valid. In many queer spaces, medicalized transness is deemed regressive and even patriarchal. Many transsexuals are criticized for further entrenching gender roles as they undergo transition. This has created a rift in the trans community that is still divisive today. The final pages of this paper will look at two essays that embody the tension within queer and trans studies that concern trans identities in relation to medicalization and the clinic. How does the transsexual fit into our modern conception of transgender?
Perhaps one of the most critical works in trans studies is Sandy Stone’s 1987 essay, “The Empire Strikes Back: A Posttranssexual Manifesto.” Stone’s piece was a brilliant response to Janice Raymond’s (an infamous TERF) essay entitled “The Transsexual Empire: The Making of the She-Male” which paints trans women as disgusting masculine predators who seek to rape women and claim oppression. Stone’s essay skillfully explores a transness that goes beyond the normative desire to pass as a cis woman. She critiques early transition narratives for their reliance on reinvesting in patriarchal norms[3]. And while I would love to devote this essay to a close reading of “The Empire Strikes Back”, Stone sums up her argument beautifully in the end of the essay: “I could not ask a transsexual for anything more inconceivable than to forgo passing, to be consciously ‘read,’ to read oneself aloud – and by this troubling and productive reading, to begin to write oneself into the discourses by which one has been written -in effect, then, to become a (look out – dare I say it again?) posttranssexual.”[4] While this piece was necessary for the expansion of trans studies, it has also greatly contributed to the rift in people who identify as trans. Stone’s critique cuts deep into those who identify with transsexuality or binary transness altogether. She deems “wrong body” narratives archaic and even seems to blame transsexuals for Raymond’s transphobia.[5] For Stone, the medicalization of transness has forced trans people to adhere to hetero-patriarchal norms of gender presentation. To oppose this identity, Stone presents the “posttranssexual”. However, the “posttranssexual” completely discounts transsexuality as a valid transgender identity. This theoretically formulated gender-being opposes the medicalization of trans identity and renounces the “normative” desires of binary translate people. “A Posttranssexual Manifesto”is indubitably an important piece in anti-normative trans studies. It has greatly influenced the academic canon of trans studies; but is it still relevant today?
Another seminal piece in trans studies is ironically titled “After Trans Studies.” Andrea Long Chu and Emmett Harsin Drager’s conversation about the vitality of trans studies is the most cited essay from Duke University Press’s Transgender Studies Quarterly. In their piece, which almost directly responds to Stone’s “Posttranssexual Manifesto,” Chu and Drager prod at the current state of trans studies and attack anti-normative conceptions of transness that alienate trans folks who identify within the binary. Chu in particular points out that, “Susan Stryker once wrote that trans studies was ‘queer theory’s evil twin.’ She was wrong: Trans studies is the twin that queer studies ate in the womb. (The womb, as usual, was feminism.)”[6] This is to say that both trans studies and queer studies are too wrapped up in emphasizing anti-normative conceptions of gender to find value in transsexual (medicalized and surgically altered) identities. In response to this, Drager writes, “For me, this project of incessantly trying to prove that we are no longer the medicalized transsexual is the very place where trans studies has lived and will die.”[7] For Chu and Drager, the abandonment of the transsexual in favor of unmedicalized theories of transness has rendered trans studies totally useless. Finally, Chu points out that somehow within trans-feminism, the woman has become a hated figure. She writes,
And there is no object worse than a woman. That’s an operating assumption in all of my work. The problem with the transsexual is that she—and paradigmatically she is a she, especially if we’re talking about twentieth-/twenty-first-century US culture more broadly—carries all the baggage of gender with her. Like many women, she overpacks. The problem with the transsexual is that she’s always been too much of a woman. It’s hard to make something as politically dowdy as a woman into a cover girl for that trendy new metaphysics you’re hawking.[8]
In their efforts to achieve a post-gender world, trans studies scholars have forgotten that many trans people find joy and purpose in binary transness. Chu and Drager assert that the future of trans studies must work to include transsexuals in trans analyses.
The Case: The First Gender Clinics
The first gender clinics started appearing in Europe in the early 20th century. In Berlin, Magnus Hirschfeld opened his famous clinic in 1919 and began to explore his interest in homosexuality and the “Third Sex”.[9] The historical importance of this clinic cannot possibly be overstated. Hirschfeld’s tireless effort to compile books and essays about surgical transition and the psychology of transgender patients created an impressive library of knowledge surrounding gender variance.[10] Brandy Schillace, a scientific historian, explains the importance of the work that Hirschfeld was completing in the first half of the 20th century. She writes,
In addition to psychiatrists for therapy, he had hired Ludwig Levy-Lenz, a gynecologist. Together, with surgeon Erwin Gohrbandt, they performed male-to-female surgery called Genitalumwandlung—literally, ‘transformation of genitals.’ This occurred in stages: castration, penectomy and vaginoplasty…Patients would also be prescribed hormone therapy, allowing them to grow natural breasts and softer features.[11]
This surgical work is foundational to the services that would be provided in the future for transgender patients.
Hirschfeld’s philosophical theories of gender were also shockingly ahead of his time. Schillace writes, “Perhaps even more surprising was Hirschfeld’s inclusion of those with no fixed gender, akin to today’s concept of gender-fluid or nonbinary identity (he counted French novelist George Sand among them). Most important for Hirschfeld, these people were acting ‘in accordance with their nature,’ not against it.”[12] For the first time, transsexuals who wished to make a physical transition or identify outside of the binary had the ability to seek out care from people who had formal medical credentials in a supportive space.
Hirschfeld was extraordinary not only for his medical expertise and knowledge but also for his activism surrounding queer rights and transgender liberation, including overturning paragraph 175, a statute that criminalized homosexuality. Schillace writes,
He worked tirelessly to try to overturn Paragraph 175. Unable to do so, he got legally accepted “transvestite” identity cards for his patients, intended to prevent them from being arrested for openly dressing and living as the opposite sex. The grounds also included room for offices given over to feminist activists, as well as a printing house for sex reform journals meant to dispel myths about sexuality. “Love,” Hirschfeld said, “is as varied as people are.”[13]
Hirschfeld’s clinic was revolutionary because it did not seek to “fix” the transgender subject, but rather to give them a fighting chance at surviving in German society. Hirschfeld’s activism allowed for incredibly progressive laws to be passed in a liberal, post-war democracy before the rise of the Nazi party. Gender-variant people were occupying space and existing outside the norm in public because of the work done by Hirschfeld. In order to put the progressiveness of his activism into perspective, Hirschfeld’s ideas were considered too liberal by many other gay people. Elizabeth Heineman writes,
Not all sexual minorities in Germany endorsed Hirschfeld’s views. Early 20th-century Germany was a politically and culturally diverse place, and that diversity extended to same-sex and gender-nonconforming people. Some gay men, for example, argued that far from being an ‘intermediary’ sexual type, they were the most masculine men of all: After all, they didn’t form close bonds with women. The vision of these ‘masculinists’ had little room for lesbians, bisexuals or trans people.[14]
The roots of transgender activism and liberation can be found in Hirschfeld’s clinic as early as 1919. The roots of the activism in this medicalized space impacted the trajectory of trans discourse and philosophy, a topic I will explore later in this paper.
Hirschfeld’s institute was raided by Nazis in 1933 while Hirschfeld was out of town. His library filled with rare books was burned and thousands of pages of irreplaceable material were destroyed. Though Hirschfeld and other scientists hoped to rebuild the institute outside of Berlin, they were constantly on the run and Hirschfeld passed away from a stroke in 1935.[15] It would not be until the 1960s that the first gender clinic in the US would open at Johns-Hopkins. And still, these clinics in the US would not even come close to being as progressive as those in Weimar Germany. Jules Gill-Peterson explores transsexual surgeries in major hospitals during the 1960s, particularly at Johns-Hopkins. In the introduction to her book Histories of the Transgender Child, she writes about the documentation of American sex changes before the 1960s. She writes,
Meyerowitz argues on this basis that the entire concept of changing sex for trans people took root first in Germany, not the United States, because of a ‘vocal campaign for sexual emancipation.’ Yet there are no clinical histories in the United States that examine what actually went on in the hospitals and doctor’s offices where sex was made plastic and alterable or what happened when trans people began to seek out those doctors for assistance with their transitions. Nor do we have a concrete sense of how trans people understood their relationship to medicine beyond their interaction with popular-press accounts of dramatized “sex changes.”[16]
Our understanding of early gender transition is greatly inhibited by the fact that surgeries were not happening publicly in America. However, these surgeries were still taking place. For instance, Gill-Peterson talks about the intersex individuals who, without having consented, received these surgeries by the same doctors who would later treat trans people, especially children. She writes, “What’s more, experimental medicine practiced on intersex children, typically without either their consent or even their knowledge, directly founded the modern medical protocol for assigning a sex and then reassigning a child’s body to fit that sex, first surgically and, later, hormonally.”[17] Ironically, much of the progress made in transgender science was thanks to violent surgeries given without permission from the patient. Maria Lugones points out that even today, “Intersexed individuals are frequently surgically and hormonally turned into males or females. These factors are taken into account in legal cases involving the right to change the sex designation on official documents, the ability to state a claim for employment discrimination based upon sex, the right to marry.”[18] In a Western context, much of our knowledge about gender variance in terms of surgery is born out of forced intersex surgery. Furthermore, Gill-Peterson notes that most doctors only operated on white trans folks because their bodies were considered more “plastic” than those of people of color – yet another way that gender transition in the United States is built upon hetero-patriarchal conceptions of gender and race. This concept of the fixedness of black bodies may be even better depicted in Kai M. Green’s “Troubling the Water.” He writes, “Indeed, in the Amerikan imaginary, black women have not had the privilege of easy access to the category ‘women’; too big, too tough, too strong, too black, too masculine, black women have always had a precarious relationship to the term. Woman has historically been theorized as a white possession or endowment.”[19] Many of the early American transitions only served those who were deemed both white and trans enough. The comparison between German and American gender clinics shows the difference in attitude toward trans folks and gender progress in order to understand how the gender clinic has evolved into what it is today.
The Case: Early Transsexuals
Having laid out the history of the early gender clinics, it is important to examine some of the trans people who benefited from the care given in these spaces. One of the most famous women to get care in the 1920s was Lili Elbe. Elbe has been the subject of many journal articles and even a successful film. Lili, born Einar, was a Danish painter who transitioned in 1930 with the help of Magnus Hirschfeld and other doctors across Europe. In her narrative memoir, Man Into Woman: Lili Elbe’s Confessions, Elbe writes about the various surgeries she was meant to undergo (some of which were completed) with the help of doctors at the clinic. She writes about surgeries to transform her “glands” and even ones to uncover female as well as male genitalia.[20] Elbe constantly says that her sex change will give her a new life if she can get to it. She writes that her doctors tell her that the woman inside of her will be allowed to live.[21] Gill-Peterson writes that many trans people practiced their own medical knowledge of their bodies before surgery was readily available or as a way to get surgery.[22] Elbe’s story does not represent this medical knowledge. She relies on her cis doctors to make her whole by molding her penis into a vagina. In Elbe’s world, it is the medical professionals who hold the key to her transsexuality, and thus her happiness. Because of this, Elbe has become a controversial figure in the trans community. She is seen as an emblem of transsexuality by many trans and queer studies scholars. To them, she is the epitome of medicalized transness and an investment in antiquated gender roles. Later in this essay, I hope to show that Elbe and early transsexuality are more complicated than this. Perhaps there is something to be learned from these hormone-filled, surgically-altered, trans people.
It is also important to discuss early trans-masculine presentation and surgery. In the conclusion to their book Female Husbands: A Trans History, Jen Manion explores the life and transition of Dr. Alan Hart. Hart was a trans man who underwent transition and gender-affirming surgeries in the early 1900s. Manion writes, “In 1917, they underwent a hysterectomy and sterilization so their body was more aligned with what their doctor called their ‘natural male instincts’ and ‘aggressive male characteristics.’”[23] It is amazing that Hart was able to undergo transition so early and even marry a woman as a man.[24] Much of our early understanding of transsexuality revolves around male-to-female transsexuals. It is thus important to note that trans men also benefited from burgeoning transgender medicine and existed openly in the 20th century. Hart is an example of how medicine allowed trans men to harness their gender identities and exist in the world as men. Manion makes a fascinating point about the availability of trans surgery in relation to the “female husbands” who lived before Hart: “We will never know for certain if any or all of the female husbands would have chosen [surgery] if it was available to them. And if they did, what would have compelled this choice: To lessen the effects of estrogen? To not menstruate?…To be more of a man? Does the motivation really matter if the result is the same?”[25] This brings up important questions surrounding the trans identity in relation to medicalization. It is clear that technological advancements made all the difference to trans identities and ushered in a new era of transsexuality, one that has become deeply divisive among trans scholars even today.
Conclusion
I am certain by now you know that I am not afraid of the word transsexual as so many other trans people are. Much of the panic surrounding the word is born out of the anti-normative – or perhaps neo-normative – fear of trans women who wish to have “a cunt, a man, a house, and [a] normal fucking life.”[26] Somehow in hopes of destroying the gender binary, we have only created more binaries; medicalized and unmedicalized, transsexual and transgender, good gender and bad gender. I wish to clarify that I understand why many trans people have negative opinions of both the early and modern gender clinics. I too have experienced the fear that my cis doctors will arbitrarily decide that hormone therapy is not right for me. I harbor great resentment toward the hungry billionaires who make my estrogen cost hundreds of dollars without insurance. I understand Gill-Peterson’s critique of the early clinic’s racism. I do not wish to romanticize Hirschfeld’s office or Elbe’s story. However, it is dangerously reactionary to erase transsexuality from the trans umbrella.
I have shown that modern transness has been greatly influenced by medical spaces and that trans people have benefited from these spaces. With this, I hope to create a concept of the modern clinic that celebrates the medicalization of transness alongside the de-medicalization of it. I have dreams of trans people getting care from other trans people. I have dreams of allowing black and brown transsexuals to have a safe space to explore gender. New technology is constantly being forged and could help trans folks live more fulfilled lives. Scientists are finding ways to grow human eggs in labs.[27] It appears that uterus transplants will be an option for trans fertility in the not-so-distant future.[28] Hirschfeld’s institute, while imperfect, shows that medical spaces can also be spaces for trans community building. His clinic shows that trans-activism can coexist with medicalized identities. Transsexuals are not reductive beings who are obsessed with reinvesting in gender norms; after all, we are women with penises, nothing scares the hetero-patriarchy more. As trans people, we have the duty to create space for all trans folks, not only for those who serve the philosophical, theoretical conceptions of gender cooked up in the ivory towers of academia.
References
Elbe, Lili. Man Into Woman. E.P. & CO, 1933. https://lilielbe.org/narrative/editions/A1.html.
Fine Maron, Dina. “How a Transgender Woman Could Get Pregnant,” June 15, 2016. https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/how-a-transgender-woman-could-get-pregnant/.
Gill-Peterson, Jules. “Toward a Trans of Color Critique of Medicine.” In Histories of the Transgender Child, 1–34. University of Minnesota Press, 2018.
Green, Kai. “Troubling the Waters: Mobilizing a Trans* Analytic,” September 2016, 65–80.
Heineman, Elizabeth. “The Early 20th-Century German Trans-Rights Activist Who Transformed the World’s View of Gender and Sexuality.” The Conversation, November 19, 2018. https://theconversation.com/the-early-20th-century-german-trans-rights-activist-who-transformed-the-worlds-view-of-gender-and-sexuality-106278.
Lang, Sabine. “Native American Men-Women, Lesbians, Twospirits: Contemporary and Historical Perspectives.” Taylor and Francis Group, 2016, 299–318.
Lau, Jacob. “Trans.” In Keywords: For Gender and Sexuality Studies, 237–41. NYU Press, 2016.
Lugones, Maria. “The Coloniality of Gender.” Worlds and Knowledges Otherwise, 2008.
Manion, Jen. Female Husbands: A Trans History. Cambridge University Press, 2020.
Schillace, Brandy. “The Forgotten History of the World’s First Trans Clinic.” Scientific American, May 10, 2021. https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/the-forgotten-history-of-the-worlds-first-trans-clinic/.
Stein, Rob. “Startup Aims to Make Lab-Grown Human Eggs, Transforming Options Cor Creating Families,” July 15, 2023. https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2023/07/15/1184298351/conception-human-eggs-ivg-ivf-infertility.
- Lau, Jacob. “Trans.” In Keywords: For Gender and Sexuality Studies, 237. NYU Press, 2016. ↵
- Lang, Sabine. “Native American Men-Women, Lesbians, Twospirits: Contemporary and Historical Perspectives.” Taylor and Francis Group, 2016, 299–318. ↵
- Sandy Stone, “The Empire Strikes Back: A Posttranssexual Manifesto,” 1987, 156-157 ↵
- Stone, “The Empire Strikes Back,” 168 ↵
- Stone, “The Empire Strikes Back,” 165 ↵
- Long Chu, Andrea, and Emmett Harsin Drager. “After Trans Studies,” Transgender Studies Quarterly 6, no. 1, 2018, 103 ↵
- Chu and Drager, “After Trans Studies,” 107 ↵
- Chu and Drager, “After Trans Studies,” 109 ↵
- Schillace, Brandy. “The Forgotten History of the World’s First Trans Clinic,” Scientific American, May 10, 2021. https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/the-forgotten-history-of-the-worlds-first-trans-clinic/. ↵
- Schillace, “The Forgotten History” ↵
- Schillace, “The Forgotten History” ↵
- Schillace, “The Forgotten History” ↵
- Schillace, “The Forgotten History” ↵
- Heineman, Elizabeth. “The Early 20th-Century German Trans-Rights Activist Who Transformed the World’s View of Gender and Sexuality,” The Conversation, November 19, 2018. https://theconversation.com/the-early-20th-century-german-trans-rights-activist-who-transformed-the-worlds-view-of-gender-and-sexuality-106278. ↵
- Schillace, “The Forgotten History” ↵
- Gill-Peterson, Jules. “Toward a Trans of Color Critique of Medicine,” In Histories of the Transgender Child, 1–34. University of Minnesota Press, 2018, 12-13. ↵
- Gill-Peterson, “Toward a Trans,” 16 ↵
- Lugones, Maria. “The Coloniality of Gender.” Worlds and Knowledges Otherwise, 2008, 7. ↵
- Green, Kai. “Troubling the Waters: Mobilizing a Trans* Analytic,” September 2016, 71. ↵
- Elbe, Lili. Man Into Woman. E.P. & CO, 1933. https://lilielbe.org/narrative/editions/A1.html. ↵
- Elbe, “Man Into Woman” ↵
- Gill-Peterson, “Toward a Trans,” 16 ↵
- Manion, Jen. Female Husbands: A Trans History. Cambridge University Press, 2020,, 268 ↵
- Manion, Female Husbands, 268 ↵
- Manion, Female Husbands, 268 ↵
- Chu and Drager, “After Trans Studies,” 107 ↵
- Stein, Rob. “Startup Aims to Make Lab-Grown Human Eggs, Transforming Options For Creating Families,” July 15, 2023. https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2023/07/15/1184298351/conception-human-eggs-ivg-ivf-infertility. ↵
- Fine Maron, Dina. “How a Transgender Woman Could Get Pregnant,” June 15, 2016. https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/how-a-transgender-woman-could-get-pregnant/. ↵